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Essay

On Both Sides of the Border: The Techno-Political Erasure of Bureaucracy, Memory, and Refugee Lives

By Rengin Uçkan

For over fourteen years, government paperwork piling up in back rooms, relief boxes stacked in chilly warehouses, the blue glow of fingerprint scanners, and temporary numbers stamped onto ID cards have painted a stark picture of a system that reduces human survival to raw digits. This isn't just about lines drawn on maps between countries. It’s the unyielding reach of state power, stretching from the breathless textile sweatshops of Bursa to the quiet stone courtyards of Mardin, treating flesh-and-blood people as mere case files. When the civil war erupted in Syria in 2011, it triggered one of the largest mass displacements in modern history, sending shockwaves through global politics and everyday human lives alike.

Historians will likely look back at these years through the lens of high-level summits, treaties, and diplomatic rows. But down on the ground, where poverty and memory actually live, people remember this era by far more mundane and exhausting objects: scanners casting a pale blue light over fingertips, plastic ID cards that have to be renewed every single year, cardboard boxes stamped with donor logos, and quiet crowds waiting out in the cold outside provincial migration offices. The shockwaves that rippled out from the first protests in Daraa back in the spring of 2011 hit Turkey’s legal and social landscape with a force that went far beyond a simple logistical puzzle or a temporary surge in arrivals. No one back then could have predicted where things would end up. As the Syrian conflict dragged on year after year, millions spilling across borders turned into a permanent humanitarian and governance crisis—one that continually stretched the limits of international law and domestic administrative muscle.

The daily grind of young people working off-the-books in the hot, unventilated textile shops of Bursa, or large families trying to hold things together in the shadow of Mardin’s historic stone houses, never quite lined up with the neat spreadsheets put together by ministry officials in Ankara or international aid agencies. Over the years, local and global players built a massive, heavy-handed bureaucracy to manage the fallout. On paper, it looked like a lifeline, but in reality, it stripped people of any real say in their own lives, turning them into passive recipients waiting for handouts. Even when the initial intent was simply to cushion the blow of the crisis, the resulting programs routinely missed what people actually needed on the ground. The bleak warnings Hannah Arendt (1906-1975) once wrote about statelessness, legal limbo, and losing the protection of the law are playing out all over again through the automated rules of the modern state. Instead of being seen as individuals with inherent rights, people have been reduced to paper files waiting on the grace of state-approved assistance.

As Michel Foucault (1926-1984) noted, modern power doesn’t just rely on physical borders; it works through systems that constantly track, categorise, and log bodies into official databases. The temporary protection framework set up across Turkey following the arrival of Syrian refugees is a textbook example of this tight surveillance net. From where someone is legally allowed to rent a home to what kind of healthcare they can receive, every detail is dictated from the top down. Unlike the exiles or refugees of earlier centuries, today’s displaced populations live out their uprootedness under the cold, watchful eye of digital databases. Much like the angel of history Walter Benjamin (1892-1940) saw in a Paul Klee (1879-1940) painting—driven backward into the future by a storm while wreckage piles up at its feet—refugees find their individual voices and political demands completely drowned out by the noise of the machinery around them. Echoing the unprotected figures of ancient Roman law who stood outside standard statutes yet weren’t criminals but millions of people who have been pushed into a legal blind spot, their lives stripped down to pure survival within the cogs of a sprawling bureaucracy.

What started out in the early days of the crisis as an urgent, compassionate response by local and international groups gradually hardened into a long-term control apparatus. Over time, the primary goal stopped being about helping people in trouble as the focus shifted entirely to managing and containing the influx. The complex digital networks set up by migration authorities log every move a refugee makes, locking them into a state of strict dependency rather than granting them genuine freedom.

Standardised projects drafted by international donors often look brilliant in air-conditioned meeting rooms, but once they hit the messy reality of the streets, they turn into abstract paperwork with zero practical impact. From child protection schemes to integration workshops, none of it carries much weight for a family struggling to survive in the dust as seasonal farm labour or in the poorest corners of the city. The speed at which institutions push data back and forth has long since outpaced the actual help reaching human beings. Much like the endless corridors in a Franz Kafka (1883-1924) novel, human lives get ground down in a system where stamps, signatures, and forms swallow everything whole. People are left to navigate a bewildering maze without knowing which office to visit or which paper to sign—mostly because procedures are rarely explained in terms they can actually grasp. Left to fend for themselves in this administrative labyrinth, grassroots organisations that should have been amplifying local voices ended up squeezed into compliance, effectively turned into field clerks for the state machinary.

For the past decade, the aid sector has loved the word “localisation.” But no matter how good it sounds in funding proposals, it hasn’t solved the core trap of keeping everyone hooked on foreign money. Instead of treating Syrian refugees as independent economic actors capable of working, building, and making their own choices, the systems designed to support them keep them tied to grocery vouchers, periodic social assistance, or short-term rent relief.

You can see the quiet toll of this setup in the rural development projects scattered around Mardin—a palpable sense of burnout and resignation. When people are systematically cut out of the rooms where decisions about their own lives are made, they quickly learn to keep their heads down and take whatever comes from above. Like characters in a Greek tragedy who can’t outrun their fate, Syrian refugees try to weather massive economic shifts and heavy-handed regulations that they have zero power to influence. This goes far beyond simple poverty. It is the direct result of living underneath a precarious legal label handed down from above. Through the lens of Martin Heidegger’s (1889-1976) thoughts on what it means to truly dwell and belong somewhere, a refugee hasn’t just lost a physical house; they’ve lost that bedrock sense of safety and home. Over time, the very aid meant to keep people afloat turns into another layer of chains. Because long-term structural solutions never materialised, these barriers have only grown deeper, keeping refugees locked out of full economic and social life.

Ten years in, this ongoing intervention has long outgrown the label of a temporary emergency response. It stands instead as proof of how rigid state borders and inflexible institutions buckle under sustained human reality. Millions of personal stories have been neatly filed away behind quarterly reports, statistical tables, and budget sheets, while the centuries-old tradition of neighbours living side by side in this region quietly frays at the edges.

If this heavy-handed, rule-obsessed mindset doesn’t shift, the debates of the coming years won’t be about social cohesion or peace. We are looking at a future defined by deeply divided, alienated, and hostile communities. No technical fix that strips away human dignity, emotion, and agency is ever going to solve a crisis of this scale. Unless borders dissolve not just on government maps, but inside public laws, institutions, and everyday empathy, the scars left by these policies will take generations to heal. As Spinoza (1632-1677) pointed out long ago, any social order built on fear, instability, and a lack of trust can never produce real peace; instead, every new crisis simply builds higher walls and widens the chasm between people. Ultimately, the future of forced migration in the region can only be reframed by starting from a single, uncompromised premise: human dignity and rights shared by all.

References

  • Adıgüzel, E. (2016). Migration, Refugees and Turkey: International Migration and Refugeehood. Ankara: Seçkin Publishing.
  • Arendt, H. (1951). The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World.
  • Benjamin, W. (1968). Illuminations: Essays and Reflections. New York: Schocken Books.
  • Erdoğan, M. M. (2018). Syrians and Living Processes in Turkey. Ankara: Hacettepe University Migration and Politics Research Center.
  • Foucault, M. (1975). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Paris: Gallimard.
  • İçduygu, A. (2015). Syrian Refugees in Turkey: The Long Road to Integration. IPC Policy Brief.
  • Kirişçci, K. (2014). Syrian Refugees and Turkey’s Challenges: Going Beyond Hospitality. Brookings Institution Press.
  • Uçkan, R. (2023). The Role of Civil Organizations in Turkey’s Migration Governance: The Case of Syrian Refugees. (Unpublished Master’s Thesis). Marmara University Institute of Social Sciences, Istanbul.
  • Yıldız, A. (2018). Migration Management and Refugees in Turkey. Istanbul: İletişim Publications.

Rengin Uçkan is a writer and researcher focusing on humanitarian development, human rights, and cultural narratives, with a strong interest in long-form investigative journalism and global issues.

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Categories
Essay

Metaphorical Maladies

By Satyarth Pandita

In her seminal work, Illness as Metaphor, Susan Sontag delves into the intricate realm of disease metaphors and presents evidence from the literary field that has employed metaphors for human illness, especially tuberculosis and cancer. Sontag draws on a rich literary history, referencing the works of Stendhal, Karl Menninger, Thomas Mann, Charles Dickens, Thomas Wolfe, Franz Kafka and others, to illustrate how metaphors for diseases have been ingrained in our cultural psyche. The two diseases, TB and cancer, discussed at length in the essay, are viewed from innumerable literary points of view. Fictional and real-life views of people surrounding these diseases have been put forward, which betray a cacophony of contrasting and similar ideas.

Sontag astutely dissects the contrasting metaphors associated with tuberculosis and cancer. Tuberculosis, she argues, has been romanticised and considered more socially acceptable and often viewed as a glamorous affliction. “Having TB was imagined to be an aphrodisiac and to confer extraordinary power of seduction. Cancer is considered to be de-sexualizing.” Sontag describes the tumour as “a foetus with its own will”. She further states that TB is a disease of poverty and deprivation, whereas cancer is a disease of middle-class life. She adds that cancer is associated with affluence, with excess. The metaphors associated with the diseases, she contends, not only affect the body but also shape societal perceptions and cultural narratives. The metaphorical attributions of TB and cancer in literature and society echo broader societal perceptions of class and status.

There is an aphorism by Heraclitus that men have devised gods in their own images, and as Sontag states, the nomenclature of ‘cancer’ is derived from the Greek- karkinos and the Latin- cancer, both of which mean crab. She clarifies by quoting Galen that since the external tumour’s swollen veins resembled a crab’s legs, that is how it got its name. This tendency to associate unfamiliar things with familiar ones is common; people often perceive shapes in clouds, drawing comparisons to known objects. Similarly, diseases are often viewed through familiar frameworks. Since diseases afflict and weaken us, they are often seen as adversaries. Thus, labelling the experience of battling cancer as a fight imbues individuals with a sense of hope, suggesting the possibility of victory amidst adversity.

Sontag, betraying the nature of cancer as a slowly progressing disease that suddenly manifests without any warning, presents the earliest evidence where it was first used metaphorically by Wyclif in 1382. “The word of hem crepith as a kankir”.She assembles the different metaphors associated with Cancer, which are as diverse as the number of human illnesses. For her, Cancer is a source for topological metaphors: “spreads”, “proliferates”, “diffused”, and “excised”.

The essay examines the mythologies and superstitions associated with these diseases and how metaphors sometimes wear the cloak of superstition, too. But metaphors make the understanding of the disease more manageable. Metaphors are a means of understanding the meaning of things. That which cannot be explained as such can be explained by metaphors. In his books, The Doors of Perception and Heaven and Hell, Aldous Huxley states: “It is difficult, it is all but impossible, to speak of mental events except in similes drawn from the more familiar universe of material things. If I have made use of geographical and zoological metaphors, it is not wantonly out of a mere addiction to picturesque language. It is because such metaphors express very forcibly the essential otherness of the mind’s far continents, the complete autonomy and self-sufficiency of their inhabitants.” The metaphors will exist, and educating the masses is the only way to stop them from becoming a stigma or superstition against that disease.

Quite possibly, the doctors refraining from revealing the true nature of disease inherently to the patient might reflect the notion of fear of death. The diseased person might perhaps think that death will come to everyone but him. Revealing his cancer to him might imply the idea of the inevitable approaching death. Thus, employing the metaphor of ‘battling’ with cancer provides a sense of relief to the patient of emerging victorious in the battle. A diseased man on the bed is akin to a newborn baby, with the only difference being that in one, the river of life has begun to flow, whereas, in the other, it is on the verge of drying. An afflicted man is as helpless as a baby. He craves for care. In this vulnerable state, directly discussing the illness may be too distressing, necessitating the use of metaphors to convey the situation. The patient’s understanding is limited. The only truth he has made a pact with is the slipping of time and the approach of death.

Regardless of how one has lived, everyone desires a death with dignity. Yet, why is it that some illnesses seem to afford this dignity while others do not? What criteria determine whether an illness is seen as favourable? Is it pain or time? The dilemma is akin to choosing between jumping into a well or off a cliff―Death awaits at both ends. As Susan Sontag herself ‘battled’ breast cancer, one cannot help but wonder whether the book would have been different had her affliction been tuberculosis instead. The essay appears biased, elevating tuberculosis and its sufferers while diminishing the dignity of cancer patients. It only examines these diseases from a personal perspective. TB has been presented as a glorified disease, whereas cancer is something that rots the body. Only briefly does the essay touch on the societal perceptions that label tuberculosis as a disease of poverty and cancer as a disease of affluence.

It is not only cancer and TB that have attracted metaphors or have been known to be identified with them. In fact, every other disease and illness is accompanied by metaphors, like an object and its shadow. And it must be noted that some diseases, apart from being associated with metaphors, are linked with gods and deities.

I recall a passage from the book The Monkey Grammarian in which the author, Octavio Paz, describes a scene inside the ‘Temple of Galta’ which is also known as ‘The Monkey Temple’ in Rajasthan: “The children leap about and point to the stone, shouting ‘Hanuman, Hanuman!’ On hearing them shouting, a beggar suddenly emerges from the rocks to show me his hands eaten away by leprosy. The next moment, another mendicant appears, and then another and another.”

When I first read this passage, I was immediately reminded of the story ‘The Mark of The Beast’ by Rudyard Kipling and a paper that I had read related to the story titled ‘Recognizing the Leper: Hindu Myth, British Medicine, and the Crisis of Realism in Rudyard Kipling’s The Mark of the Beast’. The author of the paper had woven the interconnectedness and drawn parallels between the story, the leprosy affected character and Hanuman-lila. In ‘The Mark of The Beast’, an Englishman named Fleete, in the company of his two friends, desecrates a statue of Hanuman inside a temple with his cigar and declares it as ‘the mark of the beast’ but is soon embraced by a “mewing” leper who emerges from behind the statue following which, Fleete begins to develop skin discolourations and starts exhibiting animal-like behaviour. In the paper, the author establishes a connection between Hanuman and leprosy to justify why the Hindu monkey god is often called ‘sankat-mochan’ or ‘liberator from distress’. Drawing reference from the study of Hanuman lore by Philip Lutgendorf, the author argues how Kipling’s story resonates with a specific Hanuman-lila that relates his manifestation as a leper before the 16th-century saint Tulsidas.

“Instead, he [the tree ghost] told Tulsidas to seek the grace of Hanuman and revealed that the latter came every evening to a certain ghat in the form of an old leper to listen to the narration of Rama's story; he sat at the back of the crowd and was always the last to leave. That night, Tulsidas surreptitiously followed the leper, who led him deep into the forest before the poet finally fell at his feet, hailing him as the Son of the Wind. As the ghost had predicted, the leper "denied a thousand times" that he was anything other than a sick old man, but Tulsidas persisted in his entreaties. Eventually, Hanuman manifested his glorious form. Raising one hand over his shoulder to point southwest, he said, "Go to Chitrakut," and placing the other hand over his heart, added, "I promise you will see Rama.”

 Illness as Metaphor should not be considered a caution about metaphors in their relation to illness but rather a critique of their misapplication, where these metaphors can morph into stigmas that persist in people’s consciousness. “Illness is the night-side of life, a more onerous citizenship. Everyone who is born holds dual citizenship in the kingdom of the well and in the kingdom of the sick. Although we all prefer to use only the good passport, sooner or later, each of us is obliged, at least for a spell, to identify ourselves as citizens of that other place,” Sontag states in the opening lines of her book-length essay. But, unless one is born in the mythical Shangri-La, and as long as humanity exists, illnesses and their accompanying metaphors will persist, evolving with each new malady that emerges. Today, it is cancer, just as yesterday, it was tuberculosis and COVID-19. Tomorrow will inevitably bring new illnesses, accompanied by a fresh set of metaphors that shape our collective understanding of the ever-present shadow of illness in the human experience.

Satyarth Pandita is a Junior Research Fellow at the National Institute of Mental Health and Neurosciences, Bengaluru. He completed his dual degree of Bachelor of Science and Master of Science in Biological Sciences (major) and Humanities and Social Sciences (minor) from the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research Bhopal (IISERB).

Links to Satyarth’s published works, email address and social media handles can be found here.

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